Russia, the Oromos, Egypt, Sudan, Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), Somalia, Islam & Orthodox Christianity

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

July 17, 2010

In an earlier article entitled "The Oromo Genocide Solemnly Confessed by Official Russian Explorer in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/169749), I selected and highlighted excerpts from a book – report published by a Russian explorer, military officer and monk, who spent three years in Abyssinia, during the last decade of the 19th century. These excerpts undeniably testify to the Oromo genocide perpetrated by the invading Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian armies, and have therefore to be brought to the surface of political debate by the Oromo political and intellectual leaders at the local, regional and international levels.
One point is the Oromo struggle for the liberation of Oromia, and the secession of the great country from the Abyssinian colonial and genocidal state that constituted for more than 150 years Africa´s most abominable scourge.
Another point is Russia, the country represented by the aforementioned explorer, Alexander Bulatovich, who traveled to Abyssinia in order to promote the interests of the tsarist court. Russia had expanded tremendously in Asia, invading Siberia first and then conquering northern provinces of both the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid Empire of Iran.
As far as the area that we are nowadays calling ´Middle East´ is concerned, Russia viewed its expansion in simple terms of geographical advance. If the Russian army invaded Van, this would be an advance toward Mosul. If the Russian army invaded Mosul, this would be an advance toward Damascus. If the Russian army invaded Damascus, this would be an advance toward Jerusalem. And Jerusalem was the ultimate target of all Russian Christian Orthodox imperial and eschatological visions. Too simple to possibly oppose the Freemasonic plans of England and France!
However, in Africa, Russia was left behind. St Petersburg failed to benefit from the systematically organized (by the regimes of London and Paris) decomposition of the Ottoman empire which, 100 years before Bulatovich´s trip to Abyssinia, controlled in Africa vast territories stretching from the borders of Morocco to the Horn of Africa. The Ottoman province of Abyssinia controlled the territory of today´s Eritrea and sizeable parts of the province Tigray of today´s Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia). The tiny Abyssinian kingdom controlled an arid territory smaller than one third of the homonymous Ottoman province. But with the disintegration of the Ottoman Africans lands, England, France, Italy and Germany entered in harsh competition to control African territories and coastlands. The late arrival of the Russian ´reconnaissance´ (as we can name Bulatovich´s trip) did not end in any substantive results.
Many analysts may interpret this fact as due to Russia´s permanent difficulty to find a permanent harbor in the southern seas; in the late 19th century, a Russian fleet sailing from Odessa should first cross the Bosporus straits and then the Suez canal, and the attempt would alarm English and French diplomats who would do their best to avert this mission.
This type of approach is superficial and offers minimal understanding. Worse, it can be extremely misleading for today´s Russian diplomats who may easily realize that, today in Africa, Moscow is left far behind France, England, America, Italy, Germany, China, Japan and eventually India. Yet, during the Soviet era, Moscow marked some significant successes from Angola to Somalia, from Egypt to Mozambique, and from Algeria to Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia). But all these momentary successes proved to be inconsequential. Why?
In an earlier article published in January 2008 under title "Why Russia always failed in the Middle East" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/49566), I examined this point and concluded that the main reasons for Russia´s failure in the region in question are an inherent quantitative approach to colonial expansion (which means significant lack of vision and imaginative approach) and an overall misperception of the past and the present of Asia and Africa, which is due to the Russian academic, intellectual and ideological acceptance of the Anglo-French Orientalism, a bunch of disciplines elaborated by the French and the English academia in order to mainly promote and diffuse an interpretation of data that would suit the interests of the Anglo-French Freemasonry, namely the driving force of the Paris and London regimes.
Anglo-French Orientalism is not only totally false and viciously fallacious but it also rejects the very principles on which the Christian Orthodox Russian world is based. The said article was officially translated to Russian and widely diffused in Russia (indicatively: http://www.inosmi.ru/world/20080203/239339.html).
Amongst others, I stated the following:
"The historically real nations still exist in the Middle East, and are the only with whom an alliance can be made for common benefit. These nations are terribly oppressed and live under threat of linguistic, religious, cultural and therefore national extinction. The real nations (ethno-linguistic and religious groups) of the Middle East are the following:
XXXVI. The Oromos (tyrannically included in Abyssinia).
For too long, Russians projected in the Middle East concepts elaborated for the vast Russian / Soviet territory; this cannot work further, as it only damages Russian interests from Mauritania to Oman, and from Syria to Somalia.
Promoting Freedom, Human Rights, Democracy, Cultural Identity, and Nation-Building, Russia should identify its Middle Eastern policy around the following axes:
4. Alliance with Kushitic Oromo political groups, cooperation with Oromo elites, and contribution to the formation of an Oromo state of Kushitic Ethiopia with capital at Finfinne (fallaciously called Addis Ababa by the Abyssinian invaders)".
With respect to the Horn of Africa region, and Abyssinia more particularly, the Russians have fallen victims of the misconception that the Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinians are Christian, and can therefore be possible partners in an effort to eliminate Islam from a region acknowledged as genuinely Islamic over the past 10 to 14 centuries. The assumption is totally wrong; the Monophysitic Abyssinians are not Christians. If we live aside the Monophysitic dispute itself, which is rather a matter limited among the Eastern churches, namely the Greek, Coptic, Syriac, Armenian, Georgian and Russian churches, the Abyssinian Monophysitic church presents an appearance of Christianity that hinges on a deeply anti-Christian nature.
Interpreting the use of the Abyssinian church and regimes, made by Western religious and political authorities in their efforts to eliminate Islam from East Africa, as a straightforward recognition of the Christian identity of the Abyssinian church and society is really a farfetched innuendo. One should drop it.
One should not get confused when polarizing between general Biblical narratives and specific anti-Christian practices, rituals, and social life. In two earlier articles of mine, titled "The Heretic Abyssinian Monophysitic Church"
(http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/61471) and "The Heresy of the Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinian Church" (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/61573), I expanded on the subject, referring to Catholic presentations of the Abyssinian church and doctrine that make clear that the Abyssinian beliefs and practices are in striking opposition to what became historically known as Christianity from Palestine, Syria and Egypt to Rome, Constantinople, Moscow and Western Europe.
In another article ("The Real Face of Neo-Nazi Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian Terrorists" - http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/60703), I specified that with the fallacious pseudo-epic Kebra Negast, "alteration of earlier sources and falsification of the Antiquity" are "used as basis of the "modern" Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian society". I specified that "Kebra Negast is mostly false, an unprecedented fallacy", and went on focusing on manuscript illumination to analyze the totally erroneous perception of the Bible by the Abyssinians, which leads them far from Christianity: "This is the false Solomon of Kebra Negast: looking like a saint of Christianity, wearing clothes of Abyssinian monks, and riding ….. a lion! In his hands, Abyssinian ritual objects that Solomon would have never touched". I characterized the Anti-Christian epic, which is the basis of all Abyssinian political theories, claims and paroxysms, as "the epitome of racial discrimination in today´s Neo-Nazi Abyssinia".
Today´s Russian academia do not need to focus on Kenra Negast to understand the Anti-Christian nature of the Abyssinian society which made them valuable allies of the Freemasons of colonial England and France; they could just check Bulatovich´s contributions and identify numerous cases of misperceptions originally produced by the Western academia in order to fool the rest of the world about the origins, the identity and the historical past of the various African nations that have been subjugated by the Abyssinians as per Anglo-French order.
I will republish herewith another excerpt from Bulatovich´s ´From Entotto to the River Baro´; it shows characteristically to how many mistakes and misperceptions the Russian explorer was driven because he had been theoretically based on Western European Orientalism, a definitely anti-Russian academic – theoretical – intellectual fabrication.
In this excerpt, which is not quite lengthy, Bulatovich attempts to classify Oromos (called Galla), Afars called Adali) and Somalis together, underscoring their difference from the Sidama. This is wrong. He uses the term Sidama as a collective name for the Sidamas and others, notably the Kaffa. This is another mistake. Worse, he ascribes himself to the old theory of Lepsius, according to which there had been a "reverse movement of Kushites from Africa to the Arabian peninsula" – something totally hypothetical for which no proof can ever be found.
Within this mistaken reconstitution of the History of the 3rd and 2nd millennia, the Phoenicians (falsely translated as ´Finikiyane´ in the otherwise good English translation) become associated with the Kushites, because Bulatovich and the Russian Orientalist academia failed to stand critically toward the erroneous classification of nations into main groups made within the Bible. Quite unfortunately, the Biblical mistake suited the Anglo-French Orientalists´ needs, and for this reason it was maintained in their bibliography in order to fool others. Certainly, at the end of the 19th century, Bulatovich had a certain excuse: little advance had been made in the field of North West Semitic languages, and few people had clearly understood that the Ancient Phoenicians were a Semitic nation. The problem is that today´s Russian diplomacy keeps acting as if the aforementioned aberrations have not been rejected and denounced.
The dissociation between the Ancient Egyptians and the ancestors of the Oromos, the Afars, and the Somalis (Punt, Azania) is another grave mistake made by Bulatovich. The fact that he calls all these nations "semi-savages" shows that
a) he failed to properly study their civilizations,
b) he traveled to Africa with many preconceived – and wrong – ideas,
c) he was partially favoring those whom he considered as Christians (although they were not – namely the Abyssinians), and
d) he (although a Russian Orthodox monk) was a victim of Western European Anti-Christian philosophical dogmas (positivism, monism, materialism, phenomenalism, epistemology, atheism), and of the deception of modernism.
Bulatovich´s sentence that "from the fifteenth century B.C., a vast movement of Semites into Africa began" consists in another aberration which is relevant to the constant Freemasonic Orientalist effort to turn Hamitic Africa into a Semito-Hamitic or Islamo-Arabic or Afro-Asiatic mixture, a simple dependency of Semitism, safe enough for the Freemasonic plans providing for a fake state "Israel" inhabited (not by Israelites but) by Jews of Indo-European – Uralo-Altaic descent.
Today, Russia needs to
1) instantly reject these fallacies,
2) forget once forever the idea of a Christian Abyssinian ally in East Africa,
3) learn the lesson from its calamitous Ogaden policy,
4) turn to the Oromos, the Afars, and the Somalis,
5) help the former liberate and the latter pacify their country, and
6) set in East Africa the solid foundations of a Christian Orthodox – Islamic rapprochement that will keep Europe, America and Israel far from Africa.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich
From Entotto to the River Baro (1897)
With the Armies of Menelik II (1900)
Translated by Richard Seltzer (seltzer@samizdat.com, www.samizdat.com)
From Entotto to the River Baro
http://www.samizdat.com/entotto.html
An account of a trip to the southwestern regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97 by Lieutenant of His Majesty's Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Alexander Bulatovich
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897, Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R."Science" Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto pp. 32-156
Translated by Richard Seltzer (from the 1971 edition)
The Population of the South-western Regions of Ethiopia
The population of southwestern Ethiopia consists of the following main groups: Galla, Sidamo, and Amhara60; and on the western and southern borders -- Negroes.
The Galla dwell to the west of Entotto up to the River Baro.
There are two tribes of them: Tuluma and Mocha. The latter extends from the Awash River to the Baro River in the west and from Abbay to Kaffa in the south. They belong to the Galla -- Oromo.
The inhabitants of Kaffa, Mocha, Gurage, Kulo, Kusho, Sidamo, and Amaro are called "Sidamo." Some authors suggest that these were the first inhabitants of the Ethiopian plateau.
Amhara, or, as we have become accustomed to called them, "Abyssinians," constitute the latest, military, and official population of these regions and are scattered among them rather uniformly.
The origin of these people has still not been accurately established; and, with regard to this question, there are only hypotheses, often contradictory.
Some authors call all three groups "Cushitic." Others, considering the first two Cushitic, count the Abyssinians as of Semitic race. But to call Galla and Sidamo descendants of Cush, the son of Ham, doesn't mean anything at all. Why between the ones and the others is there such a huge difference with regard to culture and customs and language? Where did the ones and the others come from? I am too little acquainted with this question to take upon myself its resolution. But bringing my personal observations together with works I have read about this question, I believe the most probable explanation of the existing ethnographic grouping is as follows. Galla, Somali, Adali (the latter two are steppe nomadic tribes who occupy the coast of the Red Sea from the Ethiopian plateau) are all Cushites and occupied these places, it must be, in the time when the descendants of Mesraim occupied Egypt. They arrived here, probably, by a dry route with their herds, and to the present have remained semi-savage.
In the reverse movement of Cushites from Africa to the Arabian peninsula, (which was mentioned by Lepsius), they encountered Semites, who, so to say, cut them in half. The Finikiyane were driven toward the Mediterranean Sea, and the other part toward the Arabian Sea. This forced the migration of the latter to Africa across the Bab-el-Mandeb Gulf. These immigrants occupied the Ethiopian plateau. They must have been culturally higher than the Galla and drove the Galla to the south. Aren't these the ancestors of those peoples we call Sidamo, Agau, Bylen, the original inhabitants of the country? And don't the inhabitants of Harar likewise belong to them? Much data inclines me to accept this hypothesis. Firstly, the type of the Harar and the Sidamo; secondly, the similarity of sounds in the languages of these groups; and thirdly, the level of culture.
From the fifteenth century B.C., a vast movement of Semites into Africa began. Between Ethiopia and the Arabian peninsula there were very active trade dealings. They spread out on the plateau, but unevenly. In all probability, their port of entry, so to speak, the point for settlement of the plateau was Massawa.
Therefore, we see the greatest concentration of Semites in Northern Ethiopia: Felasha, Abyssinian Jews in the mountains of Semien, and Tigreans in Tigre. Southern Ethiopia was under the least influence of Semitism. From the Arabian peninsula, they brought with them the language that belongs to the Hamitic root -- this is the present-day Geez language (literary). The Semites, having mixed with the inhabitants of the country, changed their language and pronunciation and hence came about the present-day Amhara, or Abyssinian, or Amharic language. "Amhara" is the name that the Abyssinians give themselves. The name "Abyssinian," accepted now in Europe, came about thus: Arabs call them "Habesh," which means "mixture" (confirmation of what we surmised that the Abyssinians are a mixed race). The Portuguese changed the word "Habesh" to "Habeks," and German scholars from "Habeks" made "Abessinen."
Although the Amharic language differs in grammar from the Geez (literary), many of its roots are borrowed from the Geez; so that the Amhara language is really Geez changed by mixing with other languages. The pronunciation of it likewise differs from the Geez. The Amharic language has no gutturals, which are characteristic sounds for Semitic languages, whereas Geez does have them.61
Let's now consider these nationalities in more detail. Galla -- Oromo The first mention of the Galla in The Abyssinian History of the Kings ("Tarika Negest") is attributed to 1480 A.D. During the reign of Iskander, the Galla made their first invasion into Abyssinian land and destroyed the monastery of Atones Maryam. In 1539 appears Gran.62 He is a native of the Harar region, which at that time already belonged to Galla who had adopted Mohammedanism. On the one hand, using the Galla's desire to occupy Abyssinian lands and on the other hand raising the banner of the prophet among the Moslem population of the coastal zone and declaring holy war, Gran invaded Abyssinia, burning and destroying monasteries and churches. At first, the Galla attacked Shoa and the provinces of Menjar and Ankober. But then, while the Arussi Galla independently waged war against the tribes of South Ethiopia, gradually ejecting them and occupying their places, Gran, inspired by the idea of Islam, made his way to North and Central Abyssinia, to the cultural and religious center of the empire, and destroyed Aksum. In 1545, Gran was killed in Damby, at Lake Tana. With his death, the Galla invasion lost its significance as a religious war. The Galla-Mohammedans who came with him occupied the best land in the province of Wollo. In the south, too, and in the west, Arussi Galla continued to gradually oust the indigenous inhabitants of these lands -- Amhara and Sidamo: the first to the north beyond Abbay, the second to the south to the mountains of Kaffa.
This gradual conquest continued until very recent times. The Galla of Leka, for instance, consider that they occupied this country only 180 years ago. Thus, in Abyssinia we meet Gallas of two kinds. Some, Mohammedans, came from the east, from Chercher -- they are Wollo Galla. Others, pagans, came from the southeast, from Arussi -- these are the Tuluma and Mocha tribes.
The first occupy the territory between the Kassam and Awash Rivers; the second are found to the south of the Abbay River and to the west of the upper Awash. Each of these tribes is divided into small clans. Tuluma is divided into seven clans, and Mocha into five (Liban, Afrenjo, Homo, Tume, Javi). Each of these small clans occupies a separate region, separated from the others by accurately established boundaries. But they all recognize that they belong to the Galla nation. They all call themselves "Oromo." Almost all of them have the same customs, language, type, and character, despite the difference of faith which exists between Galla pagans and Galla Mohammedans.
The Galla physical type is very beautiful. The men are usually very tall, with statuesque physique, lean, with oblong face and a somewhat flattened skull. The features of the face are regular and beautiful. The nose though sometimes fleshy is not a snub-nose. The mouth is moderate. The lips are not thick.
They have excellent even teeth; large and in some cases oblong eyes; and curly hair. Their arm bones are of moderate length, shorter than the bones of Europeans, but longer than among the Amhara tribes. The feet are moderate and not turned in. The women are shorter than the men, and very beautifully built. In general, they are stouter than the men, and not as lean as they.
Among them one sometimes encounters very beautiful women. And their beauty does not fade as quickly as among the Abyssinians.
The skin color of both men and women ranges from dark to light brown. I did not see any completely black Galla.
The separate clans of the Mocha tribe differ somewhat. The far western clans are more thick-set and taller than the eastern and northern. Among them there is a more uniform and consistent type. This, I think, must be explained by the greater purity of their clan, since, being farther from the Abyssinians, they could not mix with them.
Note
Picture: the two royal wives of the Kaffa King, and his sister
From: http://www.samizdat.com/bulatovichphotos/plates/Two%20wives%20and%20sister%20of%20the%20King%20of%20Kaffa.jpg

Where is the Oromo Youth? – Opinion

By Siiban Abbichuu
There is no doubt that the youth has a heavy responsibility in determining the future fate of its society. Especially in nations like the Oromo, which is still under tyranny, the role of the youth is the most important. As it is very clear for most of us, nowadays, the participation of the Oromo youth in the political leadership areas is not satisfactory. When I compare the activities of the Oromo youth in the 1960s-1970s with those of the nowadays, I become worrisome. One may surprisingly ask me about this. ‘What do you mean? Why do you become worrisome? What about all the Oromo students protest across Ethiopian universities, colleges and high schools? What about all the Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa in Oromia? Why do you forget all the sacrifices paid by the Oromo youth, especially, since the beginning of this millennium?’
Of course, these are important questions that should be raised here. And, the answer goes: ‘Yes, of course, all the mentioned activities of the Oromo youth are as they are. History has been recording all the heroic roles of the Oromo students of yesterday to today. The immense nationalism of the Qubee Generation is believed to be as a guarantee for the future self-governing of the Oromo nation and, at the same time, it is a higher threat to the enemy.’ I do not want to discredit the role of the new young generation. The author of this article himself is in the beginning of thirties. I believe that the Oromo youth can be effectively mobilized in the right direction of the struggle under a brilliant political leadership that will be emerged from the youth itself.
My concern is not about being mobilized by someone. It is about empowering the youth itself to enable it mobilize the whole nation. Let me try to compare the situation with the truth of the old days. As everybody knows, the Oromo youth in the 60s-70s was self-united, self-organized, and self-mobilized. In other words, it can be said it was SELF-EMPOWERED. In fact, here, I don’t want to forget the movement under the Matcha-Tulama Self-Help Association and the Bale Oromo Uprisings of that time. However, the association was no longer operating its duty. It was banned after a few years of socio-political movement. The Bale Oromo Uprisings under the Oromo hero, General Waqo Gutu, also failed due to lack of modern organization at that time. The students of that time had no senior intellectuals to take as role models in their political movement of building modern nationalism. There was no such career among the elders. We can say that the birth of the modern Oromo nationalism was the Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University in 1960s-70s. Not only for Oromo, but also for those old politicians of TPLF and the ‘Ethiopians’ (Amharas) of nowadays, Finfinnee University was the birth place of modern politics at the same time. During the struggle against the feudal regime under the slogan of ‘Land to the Tillers’, the students movement was at its peak.
In that historical movement, the role of Oromo students was also a shining one. Young students of the time, such as Baaroo Tumsaa, Magarsaa Barii, Lencho Lata, Hayle Fida (from abroad) and many others, were the rising stars in Oromo and Ethiopian politics. Especially, Hayle Fida and Baro Tumsa were the young icons, not only in Oromo, but also in the whole Ethiopian politics. Baro Tumsa was the organizer of the historical mass movement under the slogan of ‘Land to the Tillers’ in 1965. He was also the founder of the organization Struggle of Ethiopian Oppressed Forces (ECHEHAT) in 1975. The other Oromo star, Hayle Fida, was the founder of MEISON, the first opposition political organization in Ethiopia in the early of 1960s. MEISON was the organization that believed in self-determination and genuine ethnic-based federalism. Hayle was also the first Oromo intellectual who made meaningful research on the importance of Latin alphabet (QUBEE) to use in Afan Oromo.
Even though the trend of the Oromo nationalism among Oromo students at that time had a little bit ideological differences, over all, the beginning was smart. It was historic time because of many victories recorded by the youth: the Oromo nationals from West to East, North to South as well as Central, were able to introduce themselves to each other that they were of ONE NATION. They heard the sweet dialects of their common language, Afan Oromo, for the first time. They addressed each other that their people were under tyranny, and they needed to be free by any mechanism. Thus, that youth generation embarked on the struggle against tyranny through establishing political organizations with few fellow non-Oromo politicians. Organizations like, the All Ethiopian Socialist Movement [MEISON], the Ethiopian National Liberation Front [ENLF], the Struggle of Ethiopian Oppressed Forces [ECHEHAT], and finally, the Oromo Liberation Front [OLF], were emerged by the Oromo youth of that time. Although the former three organizations had not played meaningful roles through peaceful struggle under the dictatorial regime, they paid unforgettable sacrifices to address the true cause of the struggle of the Oromo nation as well as other oppressed peoples. That brave Oromo youth generation was an evidence to convince everybody that Oromo intellectuals were not ‘narrow politicians’ by nature, as many anti-Oromo forces try to criticize today. Those brilliant members of the Oromo youth endeavored to look for solution under the name ‘Ethiopia’, but in vain. It was after demolition and ban of those three organizations that the OLF decided to strengthen itself and to engage in the armed struggle under the bold name OROMO. All these are historical roles of the youth of the 60s-70s.
Advantages of Nowadays for the Youth
As the time between now and then is too long, the youth of the past time and the present day have some differences. Today, there are so many advantages for the youth as technology grows faster and access of social infrastructures has increased. Let me mention few:
The number of Oromo students in higher educational levels in the past time was very limited. May be there were few hundreds. Today, there are hundreds of thousands of Oromo students in higher educational levels and graduate civil servants. No lack of educated manpower today when compared with yesterday.
There were no different kinds of fast means of communication during that time. Thus, it was too difficult to contact people from around the country as fast as possible. Today, there are fast communication technologies, such as email, online chats, mobile phone and SMS.
Awareness of nationalism in the Oromo society was very limited in the past time. Oromo nationals who could introduce themselves that they were OROMO were very few. The rest used to express themselves using the regional names given to them by the oppressors, not the original name, Oromo. Some others even used to tell the religion they belonged to as an ethnic identity, i.e. instead of saying ‘I am an Oromo’, they would say ‘I am a Muslim’, ‘I am a Christian’, etc. However, today every Oromo national, be it in urban or rural areas, can simply express his/herself as an Oromo. That means, now it is not as difficult as those old days to agitate the Oromo people to fight for their rights.
In 1960s-70s there was no Oromo community in Diaspora. Today, there are thousands of Diaspora Oromo nationals in different corners of the world. Exchange of ideas, financial supports and addressing the Oromo cause to the international community by means of demonstrations, writing letters and petitions are advantages of these days.
During the old days, the international community had not addressed the Oromo question. Most had no idea even what the name ‘Oromo’ did mean. Today, the world, especially the Westerns at least, simply understand who the Oromo is and what the cause of their struggle is.
In addition to these, the new generation is lucky for two big reasons:
First, the youth is not beginning the struggle from zero point. There are some victories that have been gained by our elders. The question is now, how to pursue the way that has already been paved by our hero elders. It is the question of how to finalize the already started struggle.
Second, the five-point advantages mentioned above would strengthen and sharpen the role of this generation. For example, the report of student protests of Finfinnee University at the beginning of the 1970s might take many days to be heard in Jimma or Diredawa. But today, such news can simply be reported live to the whole world using modern technologies. The young generation should be able to use these advantages meaningfully. The five-point advantages of our time must be means of acceleration for the journey of the struggle.
Generally speaking, I can say that carrying out the Oromo political struggle in today’s world is not as difficult as the old days, because of the above mentioned advantages. However, unfortunately, our goal is still not reached. There is lack of best efficiency among our elites. So, what is the solution for this problem? Let me try to state some ‘change agents’ to overcome the lack of efficiency.
1. The Youth Must Take the Responsibility
As I stated in the first and second paragraphs of this piece, even today, our youth is the main actor in the struggle of the Oromo nation against tyranny. However, participating in the struggle in certain numbers is still not enough. To succeed, more activities are needed. The youth must also be able to call on for struggle, not only be called upon to participate in the struggle. That means, it ought to take over almost all the responsibilities of the struggle. Since they have better chance to be aware of the meaning and need of Oromo nationalism just starting form their childhood, (as most of them are Qubee Generation), they must be ready to take over the burden of the struggle that their elders should transfer to them. The youth must be able to responsibly determine the means of the struggle that match this era, including making the vision clear. The main thing that damages the Oromo struggle now is the separation of the diaspora-based armed and homeland-based peaceful struggles. In other words, the problem is the lack of coalition between the ‘banned’ OLF and the ‘legal’ Oromo parties that work under the constitution of the regime. This separation must come to an end. I hope the potential power, the youth, can do it by any means!
2. The Older Should Raise the Younger Seedlings
It is well known that most of our political leaders are over 60 years of age now. In fact, this truth is not only for Oromo, but also for all Ethiopian politicians. The older leaders, who have emerged from the 1960s-70s movements, are still giving leadership. These old men are nationalists; they were born in the Cold War era. Thus, they may still have Marxist-Leninist tendency in some degrees. In this case, the TPLF regime is now busy to raise young politicians, who are going to take over its dictatorial regime as it is, in the next five years. The so called ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ is the main lesson in youth training for Wayyanes. Here, I have some questions regarding our elder politicians, especially the OLF leaders. What are they doing at this juncture? Don’t they want potential youth politicians to take over the burden of the leadership? Do they want to give leadership till the end of their lives? Are they ‘power’ ambitious? What is the gap between the old leadership and the youth? What is our true ideology today? What kind of democracy do we pursue? When the Marxist-Leninist Wayane discovers a fake ideology (the so called ‘Revolutionary Democracy’) as a means to stay in power, what are we thinking about ourselves? Is the ideological differences between the two (Marxist-Leninist-oriented old and Democratic-oriented youth) irreconcilable in Oromo politics? Why does the youth (including those elected as CC members) leave the struggle after working in OLF for very short time? Does the youth lack commitment to push the struggle? Is the struggle of the Oromo for self-determination boring? … I think these are very important questions that need answers. All those to whom the questions concern should speak out here.
3. ‘All that Glitters is Not Gold’
Our elder politicians have paid many sacrifices to enable the struggle reach this stage. They lived, not for themselves, but for the need of their people. They have historical roles in bringing the Oromo people to the brighter today. So they deserve great respect. However, as they have honorable identities that we proud of, they have also a little bit weaknesses. Regionalism is one of the problems that has emerged with our elders. The youth should ruthlessly be able to bring this shameful tendency to an end. The era of regionalism should come to an end through a radical change by the youth. All political characteristics of the elders need not pass on to the young generation. Negative and positive aspects should be carefully identified. All that glitters is not gold. The youth should take over the golden identities of their elders, and burn out the useless and harmful ones. It is time to say no! for regionalism viruses. The youth need not choose the either side of QC, Shanee or Jijjiirama. It must work hard to melt all these factions together.
4. The Need for Youth Political Icons
In every political struggle there is a need for iconic leaders. In 1960s-70s, youth leaders like Hayle Fida and Baro Tumsa were political icons among the Oromo as well as Ethiopian political societies. Obbo Lencho Lata was/is the political icon of Oromo politics until recent times. Who is the youth icon today?? Who is Lencho Senior of today? Who is Hayle Fida of these days? Who is our Baro Tumsa of now? I can’t see the boldest name among our elites, particularly in the youth. However, I believe that youth politicians like Jawar Siraj Mohammed might be the hope in the future. Certainly, Jawar is a rising star Oromo young man of this time. Everybody should say him ‘Guddadhu Jawaaroo!’ But such activities should not be limited in the Diaspora. I need to see more Jawar’s in our homeland youth.
There is some things that should be taken into account when we talk about the need for icons. To rise as an icon means is not to engage in negative competitions. The youth should compete with their praised roles in the quest for freedom and democracy. It is the people that judge who is better than who, or who is the best of all. The Oromo struggle for freedom and democracy needs an Oromo Mandela, Gandhi, ML King or Obama!
 The author, Siiban Abbichuu, can be reached at abbichuuu@gmail.com

The Oromo Genocide Solemnly Confessed by Official Russian Explorer in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia

The Oromo Genocide Solemnly Confessed by Official Russian Explorer in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
July 16, 2010
Alexander Bulatovich, the 19th – early 20th century Russian noble, explorer, military officer, and monk, is still conveniently unknown even to Russians, let alone Europeans, Chinese, Japanese, Indians, Latin Americans and Africans. I don´t expect anyone in the US to have heard of Bulatovich, except the person is a historian and political scientist locked in a remote research center, safely enough for the gangsters of Wall Street, and the masquerades of the Senate and the Congress.
The incestuous, cruel and disreputable Amhara and Tigray gangsters are covered with cold sweat whenever they hear the name of the Russian Orthodox explorer. They know of his report about Abyssinia, and they are well aware that their momentarily successful but genuinely evil propaganda will collapse, once focus is shifted on Bulatovich´s books.
Alexander Bulatovich was for almost three years (1897 - 1899) in a mission in Abyssinia, thus becoming an extraordinary eye-witness of the Oromo genocide and of the Abyssinian expansion outside the borders of their tiny and barbarous kingdom.
One must redraw in his mind Africa at the times of the criminal colonial onslaught that, under the coverage of an immoral, highly criminal, genuinely fake and otherwise useless Christianization, ended up with the destruction of socio-cultural structures maintained for thousands of years, i.e. an immense cultural genocide of disproportionate size, and a still unprecedented physical genocide – that of the Oromo nation.
Tsarist Russia was left very behind the other colonial powers in Africa. Of course, the Central and Western European colonial countries considered Siberia, Caucasus and Central Asia as Russia´s colonies, and they were right in this; however, although late, Russia attempted to extend influence in the Horn of Africa whereby France, England and Italy were in harsh competition to expand their spheres of influence.
The lewd and barbarous gangster Sahle Maryam, son of an idiotic soldier Besha Warad and a prostitute named Ijigayehu who divorced her husband less than a year after her son was born ( ! ), had become an Abyssinian king, which means the filthiest litter throughout Africa.
This was precisely the type of ruler the colonial powers wanted to have as a tool. To prevent Italy´s expansion in the Red Sea coast and the Horn of Africa region, France and England selected this trash of king as an ally, and delivered thousands of guns to his soldiers in order to both, avert Italy´s expansion and exterminate their worst enemy in the world, the peaceful and paradisiacal African societies that in and by themselves demonstrated (already at that time) the failure of the Western world, and the inhumanity of the corrupt, hypocritical and devilish Western European societies.
The French were the first to be influential on Sahle Maryam, who became "king" under the ridiculous name of Menelik II, which is an aberration, because Menelik I is a mythical and inexistent person created only by the fallacious author of the Kebra Negast forgery.
Later on, the English increased their impact on this filthy pseudo-king, by bribing him, providing him with more guns, and allowing him to secretly practice slave trade in order to multiply his dirty money.
The Russian envoy arrived little time after the battle of Adwa whereby, helped by the English, and with an army of slaves, the Abyssinians managed to stop the Italian advance for some time.
The Russians believed that they could mark a success because of the widespread delusion that the Abyssinians are Orthodox Christians, just like the Russians.
However, despite the rapprochement achieved by Bulatovich, the religious differences were far greater than just the acceptance of Monophysitism in Abyssinia.
In fact, the Abyssinians are vicious Anti-Christian heretics and their daily life is at the antipodes of the average Christian life, their values (if we suppose that they are values, which is already an aberration) being counterfeit and profane.
Bulatovich understood that the Abyssinians play the "Christian card" in a highly politicized game in order to be allowed to perform crimes after crimes and genocides after genocides, sharing with the Anglo-French Freemasonry – in addition to other vicious feelings and malignant targets – a detrimental hatred of Islam and the Islamic world.
Bulatovich offered Menelik the chance for an extra ally, namely Russia. His military advice proved to be also useful, and thus the Russian explorer joined the Abyssinian military expedition against Kaffa and other southern nations that were then subjugated.
In his books, Bulatovich demonstrates a rather superficial understanding of the African societies and cultures. What becomes instantly clear is that he did not travel there without preconceived ideas; for him, as well as for any Russian and European, a ´non Christian African´ meant a ´savage´. He was not even predisposed to diffuse the objective truth; although he knew (and mentioned) that the Oromos call themselves Oromos, in his books he kept calling them Gallas, after the Amhara pejorative term.
It is in fact through his lines that we can get the reality; in some cases, he states the plain truth. Read this simple, 2-line sentence that has the validity of unequivocal judgment, irrevocable conviction and utmost condemnation of the Amhara and Tigray evilness:
"…… The dreadful annihilation of more than half the population during the conquest took away from the Galla all possibility of thinking about any sort of uprising……. "
This sentence belongs in the unit ´The Original Form of Galla Government´ which is part of Bulatovich´s book ´From Entotto to the River Baro´. I herewith republish the entire unit, adding also at the end the Wikipedia entry concerning the Russian explorer.
In further articles, I will republish further excerpts from Bulatovich´s groundbreaking contributions that reveal the plain truth about East Africa, the Oromos, many other subjugated nations, and the barbarous, Anti-Christian Amhara and Tigray Habesha (Abyssinians).
Not only Bulatovich´s excerpts must be in the hands of every Oromo, Sidama, Kaffa and other natives, but they must be also translated in many local languages (Afaan Oromo, Sidamuaffo, etc.) to offer Abyssinia´s subjugated nations an early and irrevocable testimony to the troubles they faced and to the genocide to which they have been exposed, and which has been criminally denied by the Freemasonic regimes of London, Paris and Washington for more than a century.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich
From Entotto to the River Baro (1897)
With the Armies of Menelik II (1900)
Translated by Richard Seltzer (seltzer@samizdat.com, www.samizdat.com)
From Entotto to the River Baro
http://www.samizdat.com/entotto.html
An account of a trip to the southwestern regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97 by Lieutenant of His Majesty's Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Alexander Bulatovich
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897, Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R."Science" Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto pp. 32-156
Translated by Richard Seltzer (from the 1971 edition)
The Original Form of Galla Government
The original form of government of the Galla and the beginnings of their legal procedure and of criminal law were entirely changed with the conquest of the area by the Abyssinians.      
Originally, they were separated into a mass of separate clans, and each clan was a completely independent unit. A large part of them, namely all the western clans, had a monarchic form of government. But some southern clans had a republican form of government.
The republics of Goma and Gera chose several rulers, whom they drove away quickly whenever they had the slightest cause for dissatisfaction. In all the other clans, the eldest in the clan, descended by the eldest line from the founder of the clan, was the head of state. But his rights were completely fictitious.
He did not have the use of any revenues from his subjects, because he did not have the right to collect taxes. His revenues consisted of rare voluntary gifts, portions of military plunder and revenues from his own properties, cattle, and land. This was because, in the primogeniture system of inheritance he, descended by the eldest line from the founder of the clan, was the richest landowner in his tribe. In case of war, he was at the head of his clan, but he could neither begin nor end war, nor undertake anything at all independently without having consulted with the elders. He presided in the lube, but all the business was decided there without his knowledge.
The lube is a very unique institution. Each head of a family in the state has the right each 40 years to become a member of the lube for five years. If the head of a family turns out to be a young boy, this does not prevent him from taking part. This assembly of the leaders of the families of the state perform all the functions of court and of state government.
The court, whether civil or criminal court, is conducted in the following manner. The plaintiff and the respondent, or the accuser and the accused, each entrust their business to one of the members of the lube. Those entrusted explain the essence of the matter to the council, wrangle with one another; then when the matter has been made sufficiently clear, the lube decides on the verdict. For the duration of the trial, neither the respondent nor the plaintiff have the right interfere. They are not asked about anything. There are two criminal punishments -- fine and exile. And, in some western regions there is still sale into slavery.
There is no capital punishment for ordinary criminal acts.
Premeditated murder is punished the most severely. The property of the killer is confiscated for the use of the family of the victim, and he himself is expelled from the borders of the country. But if after some time he arrives at an agreement with the family of the victim on the extent of compensation, then he can return again. Theft is punished by large fines and, in some border regions, by sale into slavery. Adultery is punished by fines, if the deceived husband did not already deal with the insulter in some way.
Since the right of property in land in the majority of regions up to now has been identified with actual possession, law suits on this question could only arise in the thickly populated regions of Leka, Wollaga, and Jimma, where already there exist not only property in land but also servitude.
Aside from the administration of justice, it was likewise the duty of the lube to reconcile quarreling clans.66
Such was the form of government of Galla states up until their conquest by the Abyssinians. But from that time the peaceful, free way of life, which could have become the ideal for philosophers and writers of the eighteenth century, if they hadknown of it, was completely changed. Their peaceful way of life is broken; freedom is lost; and the independent, freedom-loving Gallas find themselves under the severe authority of the Abyssinian conquerors.
The Abyssinians pursue two goals in the governing of the region: fiscal and political -- security of the region and prevention of an uprising. All families are assessed a tax.
This is very small, not more than a unit of salt a year per family. In addition, families are attached to the land. Part of the population is obliged to cultivate land for the main ruler of the country, and part is divided among the soldiers and military leaders. The whole region is divided among separate military leaders who live off their district and feed their soldiers.
The dreadful annihilation of more than half the population during the conquest took away from the Galla all possibility of thinking about any sort of uprising. And the freedom-loving Galla who didn't recognize any authority other than the speed of his horse, the strength of his hand, and the accuracy of his spear, now goes through the hard school of obedience.
The lube no longer exists. The Abyssinians govern through clan leaders aba-koro and aba-langa (the aba-koro's assistant).
The aba-koro is the head of the clan, who gathers the Gallas for work, gathers coffee for the leader of the region, levies taxes for them, and, when it is necessary, collects durgo. The Abyssinian leaders only supervise the correctness of the actions of the aba-koro. The court of the first instance is the aba-koro, but important matters go straight to the leader of the region who punishes in accord with Abyssinian laws, and, in the case of political crimes, robbery, attempted murder or murder of an Abyssinian, uses capital punishment.
That's the way things are done in the conquered regions. But aside from these there are three states -- Jimma, Leka, Wollaga -- which voluntarily submitted to Abyssinia and pay it tribute.
In those places, the former order has been preserved, although the lube no longer exists. The Abyssinians obtain taxes from them and do not interfere in their self-government. Aside from payment of taxes, they also feed the troops stationed there.
After all that has been said above, the question automatically arises -- what are the relations of the conquered to the conquerors? Without a doubt, the Galla, with their at least five million population, occupying the best land, all speaking one language, could represent a tremendous force if they united. But the separatist character of the people did not permit such a union. Now subjugated by the Abyssinians, who possess a higher culture, they little by little adopt this culture from the Abyssinians, and accept their faith. Since there is no national idea, in all probability, they will with time blend with the Abyssinians, all the more because the Abyssinians skillfully and tactfully manage them, not violating their customers and religious beliefs and treating them lawfully and justly.
Only those states that pay tribute and preserve their independence represent a danger. Among these, hate for the Abyssinians is apparent in the ruling class, although they have adopted all the customs and even the household etiquette of the Abyssinians. In case of internal disorders, these states will certainly try to use such opportunity to their advantage. But Emperor Menelik doesn't disturb these states for the time being, in view of the fact that they are the most profitable regions of his empire.
Alexander Bulatovich
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Bulatovich
Alexander Ksaverievich Bulatovich (Russian: Алекса́ндр Ксаве́рьевич Булато́вич; 26 September 1870 – 5 December 1919) tonsured Father Antony (отец Антоний) was a Russian military officer, explorer of Africa, writer, hieromonk and the leader of imiaslavie movement in Eastern Orthodox Christianity.
Alexander was born to a family of Oryol nobility. He studied in Alexandrovsky Lyceum, then served in the Hussar Leib Guard regiment.
In 1897 he was a member of the Russian mission of the Red Cross in Ethiopia, where he became a confidant of Negus Menelek II of Ethiopia. In 1897 - 1899 he became a military aide of Menelek II in his war with Italy and the southern tribes. Bulatovich joined the expedition of Ras Wolde Giyorgis and became the first European to provide a scientific description of the Kaffa province (conquered by Menelek II with Bulatovich's help). He was the first European to reach the mouth of the Omo River. Among the places named by Bulatovich is the Nicholas II Mountain range. He had to ask permission from the Emperor himself to name the range in his honour.
After Bulatovich returned to Russia he received a Silver Medal from the Russian Geographical Society for his work in Ethiopia and the military rank of a poruchik (later rotmistr) of the Leib Guard Hussars. He served in Saint Petersburg. In 1903 after his talks with Saint John of Kronstadt he resigned from the Army and became a monk (later hiero-schema-monk) of the Russian St. Panteleimon Monastery on Mount Athos in Greece. He also visited Ethiopia again trying to establish a Russian Orthodox Monastery there. He was tonsured as Father Antony and became known as Hieromonk Antony Bulatovich.
In 1907 after reading the book On Caucasus Mountains by the schema-monk Ilarion, he became one of the leaders of the imiaslavie movement within the Russian Orthodox Church. When the movement was proclaimed a heresy and disbanded by a Russian military force he was one of the leaders of the unsuccessful defence of the St. Panteleimon Monastery in 1913. He was caught and forcefully transferred to Russia on the prison ship Kherson. After the Synod hearings he was defrocked and exiled to his mother's estate in the village Lebedinka, Kharkov gubernia (now Sumy Oblast, Ukraine).
He continued his fight for the recognition of imiaslavie, published many theological books proving its dogmas, obtained an audience with the Tsar and eventually managed to secure some sort of rehabilitation for himself and his imiaslavtsy comrades. They were allowed to return to their positions in the Church without repentance "since there is nothing to repent about". On August 28, 1914 Antony Bulatovich received permission to join the Russian Army as an Army priest. During World War I Father Antony not only served as a priest but on "many occasions led soldiers to attack" and was awarded the Cross of St. George.
After returning from the war he took part in the discussion about the imiaslavie. In October 1918 the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church canceled the decision allowing imyaslavtsy to participate in church services. The decision was signed by Patriarch Tikhon of Moscow. In January 1919 Anthony Bulatovich stopped any relations with the Holy Synod and Tikhon and returned to his family estate in Lebedinka, where he started a small skete and lived the life of a hermit. On the night from 5 to 6 December 1919 he was murdered. There are conflicting accounts if the killers were Red Army soldiers or some unaffiliated robbers.
Bulatovich in Russian literature
Antony Bulatovich was most probably the original for the grotesque Schema-Hussar Alexei Bulanovich from the novel The Twelve Chairs by Ilf and Petrov. He is also the hero of Valentin Pikul's story "The Hussar on a Camel". In addition he is the hero of the novel "The Name of Hero" by Richard Seltzer (published by Houghton Mifflin in 1981)
More on Bulatovich (in Russian):
http://www.geografia.ru/emp1.html
Note
Picture: Oromo peasants photographed by Bulatovich at the very end of the 19th century. These peaceful people have been mercilessly slaughtered by the uncivil, cruel and bestial Amhara in view of the eschatological imposition of a Satanic state falsely named Ethiopia, as conceived by the idiotic and ignorant debteras to be the state of Jesus in his second coming, whereas in truth the debteras are doomed to identify the Antichrist as Jesus Christ.
From: http://www.samizdat.com/bulatovichphotos/plates/Galla%20farmers.jpg